Gorbachev, Mikhail

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From the man himself
Amazing look at the Inside of the Soviet Union
He Changed the History of the World
Excelent reading on modern history
Gorbachev's Memoirs - A View From The Top

Memoirs
Mikhail Gorbachev
Manufacturer: Doubleday
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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ASIN: 0385480199
Release Date: 1996-09-01

Amazon.com

There may be no more enigmatic public figure than Mikhail Gorbachev. This leader who guided the Soviet Union out of the quagmire of socialism and paved the way for the liberation of Eastern Europe is forgotten, even reviled, in his own land. Gorbachev's massive autobiography hints at why he has been relegated to the dustbin of history by the very people he helped set free. Capable of asking the big questions, by nature and by training he was only able to attend to the small details. Looking back on his career as a Communist bureaucrat, he wonders, "How was it that any initiative which patently served the interests of society was immediately viewed with suspicion and even overt hostility? Why was our system so unresponsive to renewal and innovation? Other [questions] crossed my mind. But I was much too busy to give them serious consideration."

Customer Reviews:

From the man himself.......2006-04-29

This is a detailed and fairly honest account from the man that changed the world.

The first part of the memoirs discusses his early life and rise to General Secretary. It is interesting in that it gives insight into the Kruschev/Breshnev system at different levels.

The second and much larger part describes his time as General Secretary. It is a detailed blow by blow account of people and plenums etc. But not so much on the actual policies and issues. Quite a lot on interactions with foreign leaders -- his description of Reagon is interesting. But Rememeber that Gorbachev was about the USSR, not the USA etc.

Be aware that these are memoirs, not an objective history. Gorbachev writes from his own perspective.

Gorbachev largely failed in the end. Could someone else have succeded? I doubt it, there were just too many obsticles. Indeed the situation in the USSR states today could be a lot worse, and their semi-democratic systems are tribute to Gorbachev.

As a foreign reader I did become a little lost in the detail of communist burocracy. This detail was, of course, the life of Gorbachev, but he does assume that you know it. There is a very poorly written forward that tries to cover the gap, the work deserves better.

There are probably better books that discuss this period of soviet history. But this is from the man himself, source material.

Amazing look at the Inside of the Soviet Union.......2004-01-31

Patience, and a lot of it. That's what you'll need if you want to read this book, especially if you aren't Russian or a Sovietologist (do they still exist?). The division of the book is into four parts, the first deals with the years before he took the helm in the former USSR. This is the part that you really have to slog it out, especially with the names, places, and also the various positions that he held in the Communist party (the glossary at the end is definitely necessary)... For me this was the least interesting part of the book and if you can get over this initial hump, the rest of the book is very interesting and of course informative.

The second part is especially interesting since it deals with Gorbachev's ascent into the highest seat in the Soviet Union. He goes into quite some length dealing with the issues surrounding Perestroika and the difficulties involved in making Perestroika work. He is good enough to give the reader some background information on the Communist party, its structures, and the founding fathers, Lenin and Stalin, as well as his other predecessors, Brezhnev, Adropov etc...Quite personal at times and very insightful, especially for those who aren't very familiar with the former Soviet Union.

Part III, which deals with the USSR's relationship with the outside world is a must read, especially as it deals with how Gorbachev, and not the U.S was the one who began the process that culminated in the end of the "Cold war". Gorbachev also speaks about how Yeltsin's lust for power was one of the factors that led to the breakup of the Soviet Union, and here perhaps the reader would be wise to consult other books that give Yeltsin's point of view.

The 1991 coup is dealt with in the last part. It is a very personal account of the coup with some private notes from his wife, Raisa Maksimovna's journal. You can't help but pity him for the treatment he received at the hands of Boris Yeltsin after his resignation.
This is quite a lengthy book, but well worth the effort. I'd suggest this book to anyone interested in the history of Russia or Perestroika and the man behind it.

He Changed the History of the World.......2003-03-27

In the latter part of the 20th Century, Mikhail Gorbachev changed the history of the world. He undid the unhappy results of the Russian Revolution and its version of communism which imprisoned Russia and the Soviet Union in totalitarianism. Almost single-handed, he brought the nerve-wracking Cold War to a peaceful end.

In his determination to rid his country of the stultifying bureaucratic thought and practices which prevented the full flowering of an idealistic version of Socialism, he broke open old seals to let in light, fresh air and innovative thought. Alas, for Soviet-style communism, the new air and new light caused it to shrivel and die.

Little did Mr. Gorbachev realize the unintended consequences of his acts, first as General Secretary of the Communist Party and later as Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet. Little did he realize that when the ties of totalitariansim were loosened that the Soviet Union would disintegrate almost overnight.

Well, that's all history now -- and it is an historical "given" that Gorbachev's innovations of glasnost and perestroika stimulated thought and ambition and the courage to break from the past. His Memoirs are important -- not for the political analysis of why what happened actually did happen but for what they tell about the man Gorbachev, his ambitions for himself and for his country.

Some might find the day by day chronicle irritating slow, but I did not. In the first third of this long book, Mr. Gorbachev relates his life prior to his rise to power; interesting because he describes his rural, farm-life background which explains much about the man he ultimately became. The final two-thirds of his Memoirs describes Soviet history and Mr. Gorbachev's role in it during its last days.

Famous, historical personalities populate its pages. He was diplomatically kind in describing the U.S. presidents he had to deal with -- Ronald Reagan and the first George Bush. In contrast, he was severely critical of some of his Russian colleagues, particularly Boris Yeltsin who, not surprisingly, comes off like a crude, duplicitous vodka-swilling opportunist.

The world has not been the same since Mikhail Gorbachev's ascendency in the Soviet Union. His personal Memoirs are historically important and worth the time -- and occasionally -- the patient effort to read them.

Excelent reading on modern history.......1999-04-24

Gorbashev presents and excelent and candid view into the recent history of Rusia. The book provides background knowlege with insight as to the reasons of Rusia`s economical, social and political problems. More importantly, after reading it, I have a deeper understanding as to the current problems that exist with the different countries that are a product of the desintegrated Rusia. To mention a very resent example, Kosovo. It is very easy to get caught in the "media web" and misunderstand other countries problems. There is no substitude for reading. I recommend reading the book, that is why I give it five stars.

Gorbachev's Memoirs - A View From The Top.......1997-03-01

Mikhail Gorbachev's writing has always been difficult at best. As a lawyer and a life-long aparatchik, never have more exciting ideas been presented in such bland and even obtuse prose. Nevertheless, Gorbachev's Memoirs are worth reading for anyone interested in the historic changes that brought an end to the Cold War and the nuclear arms race. Even books by such knowledgeable Americans as former Ambassador Jack F. Matlock's Autopsy On An Empire, can't hold a candle to Gorbachev's detailed, olympian perspective on the events he was so instrumental in creating. Gorbachev also makes some remarkably candid comments about some other world leaders. As a man who has met most of the more powerful and successful people of his era, Gorbachev's Memoirs are well worth the effort. His book is indispensible for anyone interested in foreign policy.

Keys of This Blood: Pope John II, Gorbachev, and Struggle for New World Order

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A must read if you want to understand where we are today
Keys of this Blood
Now quite dated, but still useful in some respects
Intrigue at it's best
John Paul II is the "Servant of the Grand Design"

Keys of This Blood: Pope John II, Gorbachev, and Struggle for New World Order
Malachi Martin
Manufacturer: Simon & Schuster
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover

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Book Description

Only Malachi Martin, consummate Vatican insider and intelligence expert, could reveal the untold story behind the Vatican's role in today's winner-take-all race against time to establish, maintain, and control the first one-world government.

* Will America lead the way to the new world order?

* Is Pope John Paul II winning the battle for faith?

* Is the breakup of the Soviet empire masking Gorbachev's worldwide agenda?

The Keys of This Blood is a book of stunning geopolitical revelations. It presents a compelling array of daring blueprints for global power, and one of them is the portrait of the future.

Customer Reviews:

A must read if you want to understand where we are today.......2005-11-29

This book is a masterful analysis of modern geopolitics. It is different from other books on the subject in that it adds a vertical or spiritual ingredient to the often horizontal only analysis of history. This allows the author to delve deeper into the meaning and consequences of world politics as they exist today. It also provides plausible explanations to modern world events. Malachi Martin rightly contends that unless one takes into account the fact that there is a spiritual warfare going on at the same time, modern history and geopolitics make no sense.

The book seeks to look at history through the eyes of John Paul II, a pope and a master in geopolitics. John Paul II, Martin contends, was a man singularly prepared for his time through life experience, nationality, culture and education, much like St. Paul was the best man to christianize the world through his combination of Jewishness, Roman citizenship and Greek education. John Paul II was aware of his role and place, and once Martin explains the centrality of the history of Poland and the identity this provides to John Paul II, his fixation with geopolitics as his battle field for man's soul becomes a lot clearer and many a question is answered regarging John Paul II's papacy.

In the book, Martin identifies the two main players vying for world domination in the spiritual sphere today and thus lays the ground for his historical analysis: materialism with the East and West in their communism and capitalism, which Martin places on one side together -- and the Catholic Church, the only truly geopolitical spiritual organization in existence today. One of the two sides must win, for they cannot coexist. Either materialism coopts or conquers the Church or the Church ends materialism and Christianizes man again. Martin treats his subject always with this Christian spiritual dimension and point of view in mind, therefore you will read modern history through the eyes of the papacy as it stood with John Paul II, taking into account the message of Fatima, the role of Poland in Christianity and several other often neglected aspects of history that cleary show the "hand of Providence" and how God is truly the Lord of History. The book is a great resource for students of Church history, modern events and the Catholic Church. It is also a great resource for those non Christian or non believers seeking to understand John Paul II better and why the Catholic Church reacts(ed) as it does(did) in modern times. Martin has a masterful section on the silenced history of Poland, its central role in Christian history, how it was the first republic and example to Europe and a wonderful analysis of the Messages of Fatima and what they may mean in today's world.

Malachi Martin was a gifted author (died in 1999), priest (ex-Jesuit), Vatican insider and exorcist. He claimed, and substantiated his claims in his writings, to know the inside story. Much of what he wrote about has come true (for example, Martin wrote about the homosexual priest problem within the Catholic Church long before any reporter in the media knew about it) and his analysis is logical and intelligent. In the "Keys of this Blood" Martin weaves into the context of modern history the Catholic Church's claim to be Christ's true Church (hence the Keys of Christ's Blood) with the papacy at its head and its central role in modern politics, whether modern man wants it or not. It is a must read for anyone seeking to understand the modern world and the forces shaping it.

Keys of this Blood.......2005-10-27

Mega tons of information, but very technical and sometimes meandering in content but overall a very good read.

Now quite dated, but still useful in some respects.......2004-02-19

Written in 1990, this book shows its age, especially in its now-obsolete emphasis on Mikhail Gorbachev and traditional Leninist Communism. Perhaps its most useful content concerns the Third Secret of Fatima, specifically that part which many experts say has still not been made public. The author, a priest who worked deeply within the Vatican during the pontificate of John XXIII, has claimed in interviews that he was present for the reading of the secret; and hence, the book's comments on this topic, though presented in speculatory form to avoid violating the author's oath of silence, may have particular weight.

Intrigue at it's best.......2004-02-04

Martin wrote this book over 12 years ago. We live in a totally different time today, yet, to understand where we are today geopolitically, this book would make a great addition to any research library.

Martin was awaiting the pope to rise to take back the church from its sense of slumber. He hoped that until his death.

This book was a real symbol of the cold war just before its end. To understand some of the machinations of the cold war, the alliances, the ideologies and the world that the pope came out of and the church that he was placed in charge of at a critical juncture, you need to read this book in that perspective.

If the church continues to make an impact on geopolitics, if the USA continues as the only superpower, if Russia regains its former prowess and desire for world conquest, well this book will be as timely as ever, only the names of individuals will have changed.

Yet with United Europe on the scene, the church will have other issues to attend to. Martin addresses some of that in his Novel, Windswept House.

John Paul II is the "Servant of the Grand Design".......2000-08-11

Malachi Martin's work is a veritable "tour de force." With authority (he was one of the world's foremost Vatican Scholars), skill and erudtion he meticulously traces the geopolitical ambitions of Rome from beginning, i.e. Christ's alleged comments to Peter that upon him the church would be built, to end where the Vatican winds up in charge of the One World Government. Martin posits that anyone who was under the age of 70 at the time this book was written would be alive to see the day when the nation-state, as we know it, would cease to exist.

What will be most surprising to most readers is how intimately involved the Papacy is in world politics, all for the purpose of establishing the Catholic Church as the One World Government. (See Revelation 13, 17).

Whether or not Pope John Paul II turns out to be the eventual ruler of the One World Order is irrelevant. Dr. Martin's book goes into exhaustive detail how this Pope, more than any of his predecessors in this century, has worked feverishly to keep the Vatican on the world stage as a major player. Karol Woytila has had a clear-eyed view of what the church's role should be in world affairs dating back to the time when he was a priest during the Second World War working undercover for the US Government. He learned well at the feet of the master in this regard; Stephen Cardinal Wysinzski took the young cleric under his wing during the formative years of his priesthood, and the account of his tutelage of Woytila is spellbinding.

Readers will be fascinated to learn just how much the Vatican was behind the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe, and just how closely the US and Vatican work on foreign policy issues.

This book could very well be subtitled "Prophecy Made Clear by Modern Events." John Paul II is the "Servant of the Grand Design;" papal hegemonist ambitions are in plain view. A blockbuster!!

Book Description

In Reagan and Gorbachev, Jack F. Matlock, Jr., gives an eyewitness account of how the Cold War ended, with humankind declared the winner. As Reagan’s principal adviser on Soviet and European affairs, and later as the U.S. ambassador to the U.S.S.R., Matlock lived history: He was the point person for Reagan’s evolving policy of conciliation toward the Soviet Union. Working from his own papers, recent interviews with major figures, and archival sources both here and abroad, Matlock offers an insider’s perspective on a diplomatic campaign far more sophisticated than previously thought, led by two men of surpassing vision.
Matlock details how, from the start of his term, Reagan privately pursued improved U.S.—U.S.S.R. relations, while rebuilding America’s military and fighting will in order to confront the Soviet Union while providing bargaining chips. When Gorbachev assumed leadership, however, Reagan and his advisers found a potential partner in the enterprise of peace. At first the two leaders sparred, agreeing on little. Gradually a form of trust emerged, with Gorbachev taking politically risky steps that bore long-term benefits, like the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the U.S.S.R.’s significant unilateral troop reductions in 1988.

Through his recollections and unparalleled access to the best and latest sources, Matlock describes Reagan’s and Gorbachev’s initial views of each other. We learn how the two prepared for their meetings; we discover that Reagan occasionally wrote to Gorbachev in his own hand, both to personalize the correspondence and to prevent nit-picking by hard-liners in his administration. We also see how the two men were pushed closer together by the unlikeliest characters (Senator Ted Kennedy and François Mitterrand among them) and by the two leaders’ remarkable foreign ministers, George Shultz and Eduard Shevardnadze.

The end of the Cold War is a key event in modern history, one that demanded bold individuals and decisive action. Both epic and intimate, Reagan and Gorbachev will be the standard reference, a work that is critical to our understanding of the present and the past.

Customer Reviews:

Standing among giants.......2006-01-26

Reagan and Gorbachev are two of the most important men in the last half of the 20th century. Each of them, thru ways subtle and overt, led their nations to the point where the Cold War could end, and a new future could begin. Much has been written about what each did on their domestic fronts to move their governments and populations to this point, and much has also been written about how they worked together, sometimes in public and sometimes in private. This book focuses on the latter.

Written by a former ambassador to the USSR, this book gives detailed accounts of the discussions between the two leaders, discussions within the camp of each leader (though mainly in the US camp for obvious reasons), and highlights both the failures and successes in the on-and-off dialogue between Reagan and Gorbachev, and their underlings, throughout the 1980s. The author shows how Reagan consistently pushed human rights within the USSR as a the price for arms control, while the USSR wanted the end of Star Wars on its part. The reasoning and logic used by both parties is explained in detail, along with arguments and rivalries within Reagan's team. Overall, a good book that shows the intricacies of great power diplomacy, military - political rivalries, and conflict management and resolution.

I agree--its about the 'turn'.......2005-04-30

This book's strength is that the author was present for this historic timeframe and his ability to recount details and nuances of character of the Amercians and Russians involved in the negotiation process. The photos usd could be better. there should have been more of mrs gorbachev and mrs reagan.

Comparatively fair - as in balanced........2005-01-31

My thoughts on this book match up pretty much with Oberdorfer's book on the end of the Cold War, which was originally titled "The Turn." They both offer a more open-minded approach. Matlock, in this book, has a bit more distance from the event, which allowed him more access to the Soviet side. And he was an insider's insider to what occurred. Oberdorfer's account is as the top-notch journalist he was. It's easier reading and thoroughly entertaining.

Matlock offers a fairly moderate view on the end of the Cold War. For the past decade or so, the right has been on a mission to rewrite history about Reagan and the Soviet Union's demise. In essence, they want us to believe that the Soviet Union collapsed because Reagan drove them to it by building up the US military, which in turn forced the Soviets to build up; the Soviet problem though, was that they had limited resources. When pushed too far, they collapsed. Clever and convenient story. Also false.

Liberals don't really get it right either. They feel Reagan is irrelevant and that Gorbachev came in and saved the world. Also convenient and clever. And again, false.

The truth lies somewhere in-between. US policy towards the Soviet Union was well in place before Reagan came around. That isn't to say that there weren't differences between Reagan, Carter, Nixon, etc., but the idea of containment was already in existence. And we have Truman and Marshall to thank for that. Still, Reagan was absolutely correct to call the Soviet Union an "evil empire." They were. Reagan also offered the American people a positive vision and purpose. Finally, he showed that we could build up in a way that no nation could compete with us. Of course, we went further than was healthy; but alas, we are still standing - and they are not.

Gorbachev, too, was a different kind of leader. Because he still preferred socialism that does not mean he was Stalin or Brezhnev reborn. Gorbachev was different. Plain and simple. He could have fought harder and killed to maintain Soviet supremacy over the East. Some of his predecessors have done just that - by the millions no less.

Both Reagan and Gorbachev, as well as social forces much bigger than any individuals, played important parts in a process that was much greater than its parts. Matlock justly notes all of those facts and he takes us through a fairly brief account of the actual meetings and inside discussions that helped change the world into something better. But the future, as we all found out on 9/11, was not without risks and problems.

The real Reagan - even better than a myth.......2004-11-09

Jack Matlock's review can leave many Reaganites dissatisfied. He claims that Reagan DID NOT win the Cold War, at least single-handedly. He reveals, contrary to the moanings of the Communist fanatics, that the US DID NOT have an agenda to destroy the Soviet Union, whose collapse it actually feared for unforeseen circumstances. There WAS NOT even a plan to destroy the Communism, as it seemed unrealistic. What was at the beginning was a much more modest (by the count of today, not twenty-three years ago, though) agenda of not letting the USSR think that it can win the arms race and compel the world to subservance; to get the Soviets out of violation of numerous arms treaties and stop supporting terrorism; to get them out of the Afghanistan; to make it more respectful to human rights inside and around its empire. Not quite modest, though! Matlock shows quite convincingly that the US missile programs and especially SDI (Star Wars) were not enough to wear down the Soviet Union to the point of destruction: anyway, if the USSR did not chose to reform from inside, it could easily survive (although I would personally argue that the Reagan administration DID work to undermine the USSR economically - remember the pressure to push down oil prices, for example). And of course, Reagan did not force Gorbachev and perestroika. The latter happened largely due to a sequence of historic accidents: Russian leaders kept dying and the only one suitable to take (not one foot in the grave) office actually happened to be the one with aspirations to reform. Then Reagan found a partner at the table who can be sensible to his words and pressure. Former KGB head Andropov promoted Gorbachev for years, what an irony!!!

But here is what Reagan really DID. He DID convince the Soviets they could not prevail over the US in either arms race or grabbing new additions to its empire. He DID NOT chicken in the negotiations and made Soviets pretty much acquiescing to the US demands. This was extremely important as Gorbachev could not really start reforms without easing up the burden of arms race. In the end of the day, he understood that in order to disarm, he NEEDED the reforms - he had to be relieved from the pressure of hardline dogmatics in the Politbureau in order to eliminate very symbolic but essentially pointless stumbling blocks in the negotiations. So, Reagan really and honestly worked towards the end of the cold war, I would even say, there may be the case that he actually forced its end once Gorbachev was there, but the historical accidence and the good will of Gorbachev was an equally important factor. The same policy might not have resulted in what it resulted in with another aging blockhead in Kremlin, but Reagan's policies would surely make even this hypothetic blockhead abandon some of Brezhnev's ways.

Then, however, liberal leftists would be absolutely stunned to find out who Reagan WAS. Contrary to their cliches, Reagan WAS de-facto a Wilsonian romantic who dreamt about the world without nukes (and irritated the Socialist icon Francois Mitterand enormously on this), who pressed human rights as hard as he could; who was not a war mongerer, who paid due respect to Russia, its history and the people. He DID not score cheap propaganda points, however. Sometimes, talking endlessly about human rights could harm more the people suffering behind KGB bars than help them. He was very much aware, and did not do what Jimmy Carter still claims credit for as 'true humanitarian.But he quietly helped many dissidents. ' He WAS smart enough to understand that Gorbachev is cornered by hardliners, and never claimed he 'defeated' him in negotiations even when Soviets de-facto acquiesced to the American demands and principles. He WAS standing up against some real hawks and hardliners in his administration. Again, he was a Wilsonian in goals, but very realist and shrewed in means.

Back to Matlock. He dispels one more myth, that is, that the US actually WON the cold war. Over whom? Communism, there was a triumph of democracy, which is definitely not a zero-sum outcome. If over Russia, Russians could emerge as the greatest winners in cold war if they treated their newly-found freedom with a more accuracy.

And when reading this book, one comes to understand why Matlock endorsed Kerry, not Bush, in the last elections. Reagan never was a unilateralist. He cherished allies even when the latter disdained him. He understood and respected enemies, and above all, he was a man of ideals.

Wonderful tale, but..........2004-10-15

While I find this an intriguing account, I must disagree with the author's theory that the cold war ended earlier than the collapse of the Soviet regime. Soviet reforms relied on the person of Gorbachev, and it was not until the final collapse after the coup attempt that we could be sure of the long term path of Russia. While Matlock makes the valid point that the end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union were two separate events, the two were intimately related, and it's in my belief we could not formally declare the end of one without the sure and certain demise of the other.

That being said, Matlock has written a fascinating and absorbing "pre-quel" to his "Autopsy on an Empire". Here is Reagan with all his flaws, yet with the steadfast purpose that secured his place in both national and international history. Gorbachev too is illustrated as the determined yet all too human reformer, who although ultimately failing in his task, nevertheless takes the courageous steps that create an environment which allows for the bold rebirth of a nation.

I must admit to being a bit miffed at Ambassador Matlock for his recent endorsement of Senator Kerry for the upcoming US election, but I give him credit for his telling of a tale of incredible and perhaps unprecedented scope. I give four stars for the tactical analysis, but withhold the final one for what his former boss once called "the vision thing". Nevertheless this is an invaluable book for any student of the late cold war period.

Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society (California Series in Public Anthropology, 6)

Average customer rating:

a subtle, unpacking of the Chechen conflict
The casualty of war.
Very reccommended
A balanced yet personal look at the conflict.
A relatively balanced analysis of this difficult conflict

Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society (California Series in Public Anthropology, 6)
Valery Tishkov
Manufacturer: University of California Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback

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Book Description

This book illuminates one of the world's most troubled regions from a unique perspective--that of a prominent Russian intellectual. Valery Tishkov, a leading ethnographer who has also served in several important political posts, examines the evolution of the war in Chechnya that erupted in 1994, untangling the myths, the long-held resentments, and the ideological manipulations that have fueled the crisis. In particular, he explores the key themes of nationalism and violence that feed the turmoil there. Forceful, original, and timely, his study combines extensive interview material, historical perspectives, and deep local knowledge. Tishkov sheds light on Chechnya in particular and on how secessionist conflicts can escalate into violent conflagrations in general. With its balanced assessments of both Russian and Chechen perspectives, this book will be essential reading for people seeking to understand the role of Islamic fundamentalist nationalism in the contemporary world.

Customer Reviews:

a subtle, unpacking of the Chechen conflict.......2005-05-31

I came to this book after reading several books on the Caucusus -- Yo'av Karny's 'Highlanders' (2001) being the best -- and a couple on Chechnya -- Khassan Baiev's memoir 'The Oath' (2004) the most profound of those. Admittedly, I came to Tishkov's work skeptical: he is Russian, after all. For those of us perhaps a little too eager to see local resistances to 'imperial' power and statehood as liberatory struggles, Tishkov engages us in a real marvel of anthropology, teasing apart threads, and questioning assumptions. Like Baiev, albeit in a very different way, Tishkov's professionalism, his belief in the rationalism of the anthropological method, carries this book. It is certainly possible he may have carefully selected and then edited his informants' words, but to what end? Throughout the book I was successively impressed by his unwillingness to engage in "a debate over the truths of who did what during the Chechen war." This is not to say that Tishkov avoids pointed commentaries about either Russian hubris or Chechen entrepreneurial violence, but it is to say that he does a profound job in helping his readers understand the precarious nature of war and peace, especially in a cultural climate where "even the slightest of differences can be used to justify violence."

The casualty of war........2005-04-28

Following the tide of change that resulted in the breakup of the Soviet Union, the people of Chechnya proclaimed their independence in November 1991. Inevitably, many events took place between the newly formed nation and the Russian Federation, leading to the invasion of Chechnya by Russian troops in early December of 1994. A conflict that Anatol Lieven, the author of Chechnya: Tombstone Of Russian Power, has referred to as "the greatest epics of colonial resistance of the past century". Thus, for the next ten years, one bloody war after another reduced a thriving country to rubble; the Chechens enduring unimaginable suffering with no end in sight. To date, the struggle for self-determination has somehow, develop into an "Islamic" guerrilla war. Chechnya: Life In A War-Torn Society is not an account of the war; rather it is a reflection on a Chechen society forced into a never-ending, cruel and traumatizing war. The author of this scholarly text, Valery Tishkov, is currently the director of the Institute of Ethnography and Anthropology at the Russian Academy of Sciences. Therefore, his views on the conflict can be deemed authoritative and to some extent, biased.
In the first five chapters, the author seeks for the answer by explaining the historical context of events such as Stalin's atrocious deportation of the Chechens to the lifeless steppes of Kazakhstan during World War II, which the Chechens suffered in silence, undoubtedly created bitterness in their memories. Yet he asserts that it is not a reason for the unending conflict. Nor, according to Tishkov, do ethnic, tribal, or religious disparities explain the tragedy of this war. Tishkov however places the core of the problem in the early stage of Boris Yeltsin's presidency when rivalries between factions paralyzed the operations of the government in dealing with the Chechen crisis. He perceives the bloodshed as the result of unresponsiveness and puzzlements on the Russian leaders when the Chechen crisis first emerged and the reluctance to deal with General Dzhokhar Dudayev, whom the author introduces in chapter six, while the situation is still in control. All through the book, Tishkov observes the first war and its aftermath through the eyes of fifty-four Chechens whom he and his associates interviewed at length. These "informers" have infused his account of the war with an exclusive directness and subtlety. Their recollections offer a distinctive ethnographic description and analysis of the war, the outcome, and what precipitated it.
According to the survivors and Tishkov, the Chechens success in the first war can be attributed to the use of "guerrilla warfare", with tactics such as ambushes and attacks on the enemy's lines of communication which the author of Resisting Rebellion, Anthony J. Joes, stated as one of the vital strategy for insurgents to succeed. Tishkov goes on to express his admiration for the Chechen fighters' ability to overcome the psychological fear and intimidation and master the techniques of guerrilla warfare. Nevertheless, in chapter seven, when they staged and recorded their attacks, Tishkov portrays the exhibitionist behavior of the Chechen fighters as acts of terrorism. The author fails to realize that it is one of the ways that terrorists can get their objectives across to a wider audience. In his book Terror In The Mind Of God: The Global Rise Of Religious Violence, Mark Juergensmeyer, the noted sociologist and the Director of Global and International Studies, explains it as a theater that terrorists use to conduct terror for their audiences whom they are trying to terrorize. Yet, Tishkov fails to mention the atrocities that Russian troops committed on the Chechens that provoked the situation in the first place. On the aspect of religious, from chapter eleven to the rest of the book, Tishkov emphasizes the negative influences of Arab outsiders in the conflict, such as the al-Qaeda terrorist's network, whom he feels is using Chechnya as a stage determined to turn it into another Islamic state similar to the Taliban of Afghanistan. Tishkov's Chechnya: Life In A War-Torn Society is a recommended book since it does not try to venerate or condemn either side of the conflict but to expose how the war-monger parties in both Moscow and Grozny have made the erroneous political decisions that brought war to the Chechens and terrors to the citizens of Russia. Last but not least, the reader of this book must approach it with an open mind and not to form their judgments prematurely. Such as, in the view of some Westerners, the conflict is being about a small brave nation fighting against an imperial monster, or, in the view of Russia, an armed coup d'etat in Chechnya led by General Dudayev, resulting in the rise of an aggressive paramilitary regime that challenged both the Russian state and its armed forces. Nevertheless, it is a conflict that for Russia, according to Joes, who ranks it as one of the most disastrous counterinsurgent experiences on record, with the full implications of which have yet to manifest themselves.

Very reccommended.......2005-03-18

This is a very good book about the Chechen War written from the viewpoint of the fighters. Most books on this topic are written by Liberals apologists for terrorism, who sympathise with the rebels and blame Russia for the terrorist acts committed by Chechens. Others are by extreme Conservative Christians who just hate all Muslims. Chechnya went from being a struggle for independence to a Holy Jihad. If you want to hear the real story from the voices of the Chechens, here it is! This book is easier to read then Wolves of Islam, and I reccommend reading both!

A balanced yet personal look at the conflict........2005-02-18

Tishkov presents a blanced, well researched account of the two Russian-Chechnyan conflicts. Filled with interviews of both Chechnyns and Russians, the book gives a factual account of the war mixed with personal stories of the survivors. Highly reccomended if you want a down the middle view.

A relatively balanced analysis of this difficult conflict.......2004-08-17

Unlike many other books on Chechnya, this one offers a unique ethnographic account and analysis of this war and of what preceded it. Although very academic, it offers 'direct voices' of Chechens (mostly) that either suffered the war or have escaped it and now live elsewhere. The book does not attempt to glorify or condemn either side but, on the contrary, demonstrates how hawkish parties in both Moscow and Grozny have committed acts of political shortsightedness that dragged the country into war.

While this book is not going to satisfy anyone whose opinion has already been formed, especially anyone who views this conflict in terms of a small brave nation fighting against an imperial monster, it is more scientific and balanced than any other book that exists on this subject in English. It also takes a stab at Western preconcieved notions such as a failure to recognize ethnic cleansing of Chechnya in 1991-94 when the city of Grozny has been cleansed of non-Chechens who were forced to leave the republic or killed, their appartnments having been taken by the militants.

In short, this book will please you if you are looking for a balanced account or if you have an open mind and are not already set in condemning the Russians. After all, these are Chechen voices too.

The Hidden Hand: Gorbachev and the Collapse of East Germany

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The Hidden Hand: Gorbachev and the Collapse of East Germany
Jeffrey Gedmin
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The Earth Charter in Action: Toward a Sustainable World (Municipal Capacity Building series)

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The U.N. Global Agreement For Peace, Prosperity, and Sustainability

The Earth Charter in Action: Toward a Sustainable World (Municipal Capacity Building series)

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The U.N. Global Agreement For Peace, Prosperity, and Sustainability.......2007-01-06

For many years now I have been wondering what an agreement on international cooperation that all nations could readily agree to would be comprised of. With the publication of The Earth Charter In Action, my musing is over. The Earth Charter is simple yet succinct; it is profound and compelling. The first paragraph from the PREAMBLE sets the tone:

"We stand at a critical moment in Earth's history, a time when humanity must choose its future. As the world becomes increasingly interdependent and fragile, the future at once holds great peril and great promise. To move forward we must recognize that in the midst of a magnificent diversity of cultures and life forms we are family and one Earth community with a common destiny. We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice, and a culture of peace. Towards this end, it is imperative that we, the people of Earth, declare our responsibly to one another, to the greater community of life, and to future generations."

The Earth Charter book has the entire Earth Charter document interspersed with commentaries from it's many contributors such as: Wangari Maathai, Mikhail Gorbachev, Jane Goodall, Peter Blaze Corcoran, et al. The Earth Charter website also has the entire Earth Charter in a viewable and downloadable format. There is a large and growing body of world-wide endorsers at the website and the list includes almost every country along with an impressive and varied list of NGOs, schools, business, religious groups, and individuals.

The Earth Charter will hopefully be the document that brings every person on Earth together for a peaceful, democratic, and sustainable future with a knowledge of our interconnectedness and interdependence not only amongst ourselves, but with all other life forms on Earth. My heartfelt thanks to the many contributors world-wide for this beautiful document!

Why Gorbachev Happened: His Triumphs and His Failure

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Why Gorbachev Happened: His Triumphs and His Failure
Robert G. Kaiser
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One Man Had a Plan!
Well done!

The Gorbachev Factor
Archie Brown
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Amazon.com

In the West, Mikhail Gorbachev is revered as a historic leader who ended the Cold War. In Russia, he is largely despised. Archie Brown, a professor of politics at Oxford and one of the first to recognize the significance of Gorbachev's rise to power in the former Soviet Union, has produced the most thorough biography to date--a meticulously written defense of Gorbachev's historic role as the last Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. While not neglecting to note the man's mistakes and his flaws--chiefly his vanity and inconsistency--The Gorbachev Factor is a very positive portrait of a man who changed the world.

Book Description

Archie Brown delivers the definitive account of the political career of Mikhail Gorbachev - the most important figure in world politics in the latter half of the 20th century. Packed with fascinating insight, it is a major study of Gorbachev's rise to the top, his political style and evolving beliefs, his influences, the political context in which he operated, and the dramatic role he played both in world politics and in the evolution of his own country from one-party dictatorship to hitherto-unknown freedom of speech and political pluralism.

Customer Reviews:

One Man Had a Plan!.......2005-07-27

Archie Brown has written a thought provoking and sympathetic analysis of the political leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev spanning his rein as Secretary General of the Central Committee (president) of the Soviet Union from 1985 to its collapse in 1991. Brown argues it was the "Gorbachev Factor," the Secretary General's role as a reformer, an initiator of change that totally transformed the Soviet Union's political system to that of a pluralist structure based on a democratic socialist model. Although the author admits this is not a biography of Gorbachev and points out the importance of placing the man within the context of political, economic and social events of the time, Gorbachev remains the central focus of this work. Brown counters several of the myths, both emanating from the West as well as within the Soviet political structure regarding the pros and cons of Gorbachev's tenure. Brown states Gorbachev had an agenda of four transformational reforms when he took office in 1985. Individual chapters in the book cover these goals in detail. First was the plan for economic reform (Chapter 5). Second, Gorbachev envisioned the liberalization of the present political system (Chapter 6). Third, involved revising Soviet foreign policy including replacing the Soviet hegemony in Eastern Bloc countries with a cooperative alternative; drastically reduce the Soviet military presence in those countries; pull out of Afghanistan; and ending the Cold War between East and West (Chapter 7). A forth consideration involved the nationalist question concerning sovereignty and statehood within the borders of the Soviet Union, and the challenge of preserving that union (Chapter 8). What Gorbachev did not envision, nor had he anticipated, emphasizes Brown, was the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union. Brown believes Gorbachev's greatest contribution lies in the political arena. Brown claims Gorbachev acted more like a western politician than any of his predecessors. Gorbachev it seems was able to pull off impossible political feats while working within the constraints of the Soviet system. By 1989-1990, argues, Brown, Gorbachev surely made the Soviet political system "different" than the one he had inherited. By "different," the author means the government became a pluralist system with the introduction of contested elections and the establishment of autonomous political organizations. As the author notes, this became a double-edged sword as a result of losing the eastern countries, "the fruit of the Soviet Union's victory in the Second World War," a conservative element, headed by the real culprit in Brown's view: Boris Yeltsin, began to exert pressure. Brown counters those who claim Gorbachev initially paid lip service to Marxist-Leninist ideology and bent to pressure from the far right. Brown simply illustrates that Gorbachev required the use of subtle vocabulary instead of attacking the Soviet system head on. Gorbachev did not want to become another Khrushchev and be ousted from office before his task was completed. The failed August 1991 coup and his eventual resignation in December ironically made the latter prediction a reality and initiated the criticisms of Gorbachev as a failure. Brown emphatically states the collapse of the Soviet Union was the direct result of pressure exuded by Yeltsin's conservatives, and the August plotters of the failed putsch, not any fault of Gorbachev's. Brown admits Gorbachev was less successful in the economic arena as well as dealing with the "Nationalist question." According to Brown, the Soviet Union had no historical president of an open market economy. By 1990, most agriculture as well as the total industrial sector was still state owned, while smaller shops and businesses were on their way to attempting the economic transition. Brown is deservingly sympathetic too Gorbachev's chairmanship of the Novo-Ogarevo Committee (1991), an attempt to call representatives of the independent statehoods to negotiate and compromise state sovereignty and preserve the union. Six of the fifteen states refused to attend and the ensuing stagnation resulted in Yeltsin's climb in political popularity over Gorbachev and the latter's eventual political demise. The last point emphasizes a central theme of the book: Gorbachev's popularity. Brown claims that up to the failed August 1991 putsch and beyond, Gorbachev's popularity remained high both in the West and within the Soviet Union. The author gleans from participant memoirs, election results and, most importantly, public opinion surveys. The latter hails from the All-Union Center for the Study of Public Opinion, also known as, The All-Russian Center. This data previously unavailable to scholars dispels the notion that Gorbachev was a hero in the West for being the first to proclaim that communism is dead and widely unpopular in the USSR. The author also utilizes numerous "conversations" and interviews with scholars, writers, and politicians both East and West. A plethora of secondary sources in both Russian and English language fills the seventy-one pages of conversational notes consisting of paragraph length citings. Besides obviously crediting Gorbachev as being the mover and shaker in this dramatic political transformation, Brown credits the communist party collectively for bringing to the office of General Secretary a liberal reformer in the personae of Gorbachev. Gorbachev political skills avoided a costly if not bloody delay in this process. Brown agrees along the lines with Steven Kotkin (Armageddon Averted: The Soviet Collapse, 1970-2000) in that Gorbachev abhorred violence and a bloody military intervention was not an option for Gorbachev. On the other hand, however, contrary to Kotkin's thesis, Brown seems to suggest that the collapse of the Soviet Union, though not envisioned by Gorbachev in 1985, was inevitable. Had it not been Gorbachev, it would have been someone else in the stable of "New Thinkers" emerging within the new generation of Soviet political hierarchy. But it was Gorbachev, and Brown, though somewhat long-winded at times, succeeds in portraying with this work.

Well done!.......1998-09-21

In the first sentence of "The Gorbachev Factor," Archie Brown tells his readers that his work "is neither a history of the Gorbachev era, nor a biography of Mikhail Gorbachev." On reading that, this "country boy" had to ask..."well what is it?" Well, by the end I knew: Brown's work is an outstanding analysis of Mikhail Gorbachev's influence on Soviet history in the 1980's. It is a well written, well researched and well documented account not just of Gorbachev's role during this time, the the myiad factors that influenced Gorbachev. Now, there "ain't" no doubt that Brown likes Gorbachev. While Brown points our more than ove of Gorbachev's faults, the lion's share of Brown's work tend to vindicate his actions and elevate his intent. But this is no simple apology for the leader of a regime that fell. Rather, it is an in-depth look at the incredable challenges and paradoxical results of Mikhail Gorbachev's leadership of the Soviet Union.

The Gorbachev-Pope connection: An interview with Dr. Malachi Martin

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The Gorbachev-Pope connection: An interview with Dr. Malachi Martin
Malachi Martin
Manufacturer: Southwest Radio Church
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Binding: Unknown Binding

Mikhail Gorbachev (Impact Biographies Series)

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Mikhail Gorbachev (Impact Biographies Series)
Michael Kort
Manufacturer: Franklin Watts
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: School & Library Binding

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